Imatge de l'autor
67+ obres 9,615 Membres 99 Ressenyes 12 preferits

Sobre l'autor

Eric Foner is the preeminent historian of his generation. His books have won the top awards in the profession, and he has been president of both major history organizations, the American Historical Association and the Organization of American Historians. He is the author of Give Me Liberty!, which mostra'n més displays all of his trademark strengths as a scholar, teacher, and writer. A specialist on the Civil War/Reconstruction period, he regularly teaches the nineteenth-century survey at Columbia University, where he is DeWitt Clinton Professor of History. In 2011, Foner's The Fiery Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery won the Pulitzer Prize in History, the Bancroft Prize, and the Lincoln Prize. His Gateway to Freedom: The Hidden History of the Underground Railroad is a 2015 New York Times bestseller. (Bowker Author Biography) mostra'n menys
Crèdit de la imatge: Photo by Greer Gattuso (© 2005 Eric Foner)

Obres de Eric Foner

The Story of American Freedom (1998) 642 exemplars
A Short History of Reconstruction (1990) 631 exemplars
The Reader's Companion to American History (1991) — Editor — 537 exemplars
The New American History (1990) — Editor — 152 exemplars
Our Lincoln: New Perspectives on Lincoln and His World (2008) — Editor; Col·laborador — 113 exemplars
Dance for a City (1999) — Editor — 19 exemplars
Nat Turner (Great Lives Observed) (1971) — Editor — 15 exemplars
Herbert Aptheker on Race and and Democracy: A Reader (2006) — Editor — 10 exemplars
BATTLE PIECES 1 exemplars

Obres associades

Rights of Man (1791) — Introducció, algunes edicions2,274 exemplars
American Colonies: The Settling of North America (2001) — Editor — 1,264 exemplars
American Slavery, 1619-1877 (1993) — Editor, algunes edicions574 exemplars
Race, Class, and Gender in the United States: An Integrated Study (1992) — Col·laborador — 505 exemplars
The American Revolution (1975) — Consulting Editor — 311 exemplars
First Generations: Women in Colonial America (1996) — Editor — 181 exemplars
American Reformers, 1815-1860 (1978) — Editor — 171 exemplars
Ken Burns's The Civil War: Historians Respond (1996) — Col·laborador — 147 exemplars
The Modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s (1995) — Consulting editor — 100 exemplars
American Populism : A Social History, 1877-1898 (1992) — Editor — 82 exemplars
Critical White Studies: Looking Behind the Mirror (1997) — Col·laborador — 53 exemplars
The American Radical (1994) — Pròleg — 38 exemplars
The Harvard Guide to African-American History (2001) — Col·laborador — 28 exemplars
The Evolution of Southern Culture (1988) — Col·laborador — 15 exemplars
The Hofstadter aegis, a memorial (1974) — Col·laborador — 9 exemplars
The Story of America: Beginnings to 1914 (2006) — Col·laborador, algunes edicions6 exemplars


Coneixement comú



This is a history book that looks at the time period of Reconstruction in the U.S., following the emancipation of slaves.

I had hoped it would focus more on the social and cultural tidbits, but the bulk of the book focused on politics. So, I found it very dry, very academic. Unfortunately, it was also a fat book with small font, so even when I skimmed, it was slow-going. And I did skim much of it. There were a few parts that I found a bit more interesting and did slow down and take in a bit more, and it is a time I really don’t know much about, so I did learn a few things, but overall, it’s just too slow/dry/academic for me. I did learn that black people (men) were able to vote, and were even elected to office; they also sat on juries. Things actually did loosen up for a bit before tightening up again. I didn’t know this.… (més)
LibraryCin | Hi ha 18 ressenyes més | Jul 22, 2023 |
recommended on AP US history listserv
pollycallahan | Hi ha 18 ressenyes més | Jul 1, 2023 |
The Fourteenth Amendment was badly written. Its language of "no state shall" opened it up to interpretation as applying only to action by the states, and its reference to "privileges or immunities" left it vague how broad or narrow these were. In the Slaughterhouse and Civil Rights Cases respectively, SCOTUS gave it these narrow readings and thereby betrayed the hopes of the Republicans who passed the amendment through Congress and wanted to root out most, if not all, the vestiges of race slavery. The book is worth reading even for the final chapter alone, which explains how this happened.

Could the interpretive history of A14 have gone differently? The book indicates dissents and arguments that would have done so. Did privileges and immunities include all the Bill of Rights and more? Could the enforcement clause empower Congress to step in with federal authority where states refused to protect civil rights or implement equal protection of the law? Did the federal government indeed retain the power to enforce rights expressly or impliedly set out in the Constitution?

It was a disaster at the time, with white mobs terrorizing African Americans as SCOTUS forbade the US government from taking action against them, but I'm not convinced it matters much today. By back-roads and byways of the Constitution, America has enacted most of the laws that Radicals foresaw: a public accommodations law under the Commerce Clause, even a Fair Housing Act with a fairly sweeping disparate impact construction put on it, a racial hate-crime law under the Thirteenth Amendment badges of slavery doctrine (blessedly unmarred by a state action clause), a Voting Rights Act against racial discrimination under the Fifteenth, and eventually incorporating the Bill of Rights under the guise of deprivation of liberty without due process.

What is wrong with the federal government's role in race in America today is not so much what it cannot do, but what it will not do. For example: regulate federal elections to prevent voter suppression and gerrymandering, require public housing it funds to be sited in areas with good jobs and schools, mandate civil rights training standards for police forces it funds. No hiding behind the state action doctrine!
… (més)
fji65hj7 | Hi ha 7 ressenyes més | May 14, 2023 |
Lincoln moved on the politics of slavery very, very slowly. Even after legally liberating the majority of slaves with the Emancipation Proclamation, he continued to push for the completion of abolition by states instead of coming out strongly for the Thirteenth Amendment. He kept defending the whites-only reconstruction government in Louisiana until he began to hesitate just before he was assassinated. It was Congress and Republicans in the country who pushed for national abolition and did what they could to impose a fair settlement in the South. Lincoln should be recognised as a genius of political diplomacy for moving piecemeal towards abolition while keeping the border states on the Union side, but he remained to the last a cautious, compromising moderate on emancipation and racial justice. He wasn't a straightforward hero of freedom and he repeatedly overestimated the chances of voluntary abolition, but he was wise in his careful policies and he grew in his recognition of black equality. Perhaps a more radical president would have lost the Civil War: as he said of Kentucky (which rejected the 13th 14th, 15th amendments), to have lost the state would have been almost to lose the whole game.… (més)
fji65hj7 | Hi ha 19 ressenyes més | May 14, 2023 |



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