Peniel E. Joseph
Autor/a de Waiting 'Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America
Sobre l'autor
Peniel E. Joseph is the Barbara Jordan Chair in Ethics and Political Values at the LBJ School of Public Affairs and professor of history and the founding director of the Center for the Study of Race and Democracy at the University of Texas, Austin. A frequent national commentator on issues of race, mostra'n més civil rights, and democracy, he is an Alumnus Caperton Fellow at Harvard University's Hutchins Center. The author of the award-winning Waiting 'Til the Midnight Hour and Dark Days, Bright Nights, Joseph lives in Austin, Texas. mostra'n menys
Crèdit de la imatge: By Slowking4 - Own work, GFDL 1.2, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=35041283
Obres de Peniel E. Joseph
The Sword and the Shield: The Revolutionary Lives of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr. (2020) 136 exemplars
The Third Reconstruction: America's Struggle for Racial Justice in the Twenty-First Century (2022) 40 exemplars
Waiting Till the Midnight Hour 2 exemplars
Obres associades
Four Hundred Souls: A Community History of African America, 1619-2019 (2021) — Col·laborador — 838 exemplars
Etiquetat
Coneixement comú
- Data de naixement
- 1972
- Gènere
- male
- Nacionalitat
- USA
- Lloc de naixement
- New York, New York, USA
- Educació
- Temple University (PhD|American History|2000)
SUNY, Stonybrook (BA|AfricanYa Studies and European History) - Professions
- historian
university professor
public intellectual - Organitzacions
- University of Texas
Membres
Ressenyes
Waiting 'Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History… de Peniel E. Joseph
Recommended by Hassan Adeeb
Seeing as most of what I know about these two men I've picked up by osmosis over the years, this looked like a handy introduction to their political lives. My overall impression after closing the covers is that I've been paying better attention then I thought I had, as while Joseph does make his point that Malcolm and Martin were not locked in an either-or contest, if I was going to describe this book "prosaic" might be the word I would chose. That said, these two statesmen, that's the only appropriate term, have been marbleized for awhile and, in an age of rampant racist authoritarianism, reintroducing their lives as activists is probably the goal here, and in that regard I think that Joseph succeeds. If it sounds as though I'm damning this book with faint praise, it made enough of an impression that I'd now like to read Joseph's book on Stokely Carmichael.… (més)
This is an intriguing look at the Black Power Movement from the 1950s to the 1970s. It covers a lot of ground, but its main focuses are Malcolm X, Stokely Carmichael and the Black Panthers. For Malcolm X, it looks at his ascendency in the Nation of Islam. It talks less about the specifics of its ideology than about his reactions to specific events, especially in terms of the Civil Rights Movement and his eventual rift with Elijah Muhammad. He stood as a charismatic and principled man who felt that blacks had to make their own way, criticizing MLK for essentially begging white for acceptance. Over time, his views moderated, although still significantly divergent from King's. Part of this change was disillusionment with the NOI and some came from a trip to Saudi Arabia where he saw a more multiracial islamic society. His death at a relatively young age, and the fact that he didn't have to deal with the divisions in the black nationalism movement in the late 60s and 70s cemented him as THE spokesman for black nationalism in the public's mind.
Carmichael was also a charismatic leader, influenced by Malcolm X, but with significant differences in philosophy. Carmichael started as a SNCC organizer is some of the most difficult places in the south, Mississippi and Alabama. He tried to work with the Democratic Party, but soon became disillusioned and realized that blacks in the south would have to organize themselves. In 1966, he became the leader of SNCC. Even though it was organized to be decentralized, his position of leadership gave him significant influence as a spokesman. His frank style of speaking mixed with his love of theory and ideology and his vocal opposition to the Vietnam War to garner him substantial fame, some of which was resented by the SNCC leaders. He resigned the leadership of SNCC after barely a year in the position. From there, he continued to speak around the country for another year before he began looking for more international solutions to the problems blacks had in America, turning to Pan-Africanism. He travelled to Africa for a year and became friends with prominent African leaders. He returned to the United States for a few years, but his influence was significantly diminished. It is not clear if that is because there were many other new voices for black nationalism or because his Pan-African message did not resonate with African-Americans. He connected with the Black Panthers for a short time, as with a few other groups, but eventually move back to Guinea to focus on his Pan-African dreams.
The Black Panthers began as a civic organization in Oakland, but almost immediately began morphing. Its leader, Huey Newton, was an attractive intellectual who believed that America had failed blacks and so blacks had to organize themselves. He advocated armed self-protection against police brutality. He was soon arrested after a conflict with police that left one dead and one injured. This became a cause celebre for the organization and blacks across the country. Newton was convicted but that was overturned on appeal. Nevertheless, many other Panther leaders had been arrested at that time, leaving a vacuum that Newton was not able to adequately fill upon his release. The movement began to splinter between those favoring socialism, those favoring and African-American nationalism and those favoring Pan-Africanism. In addition, they faced factionalism that was more about personality than ideas or methods.
Overall, the book is an excellent overview of the ebbs and flows of the movement in this time. By the mid-70s, it was largely spent. The author is clearly sympathetic to the ideas of the movement and finishes with an almost romantic analysis of what was and what could have been. Even with this sentimental attachment, I would use this book in a class on race relations because it offers a broad analysis, beyond even the three foci that I have mentioned here. It isn't completely objective but it is still very informative.… (més)
Carmichael was also a charismatic leader, influenced by Malcolm X, but with significant differences in philosophy. Carmichael started as a SNCC organizer is some of the most difficult places in the south, Mississippi and Alabama. He tried to work with the Democratic Party, but soon became disillusioned and realized that blacks in the south would have to organize themselves. In 1966, he became the leader of SNCC. Even though it was organized to be decentralized, his position of leadership gave him significant influence as a spokesman. His frank style of speaking mixed with his love of theory and ideology and his vocal opposition to the Vietnam War to garner him substantial fame, some of which was resented by the SNCC leaders. He resigned the leadership of SNCC after barely a year in the position. From there, he continued to speak around the country for another year before he began looking for more international solutions to the problems blacks had in America, turning to Pan-Africanism. He travelled to Africa for a year and became friends with prominent African leaders. He returned to the United States for a few years, but his influence was significantly diminished. It is not clear if that is because there were many other new voices for black nationalism or because his Pan-African message did not resonate with African-Americans. He connected with the Black Panthers for a short time, as with a few other groups, but eventually move back to Guinea to focus on his Pan-African dreams.
The Black Panthers began as a civic organization in Oakland, but almost immediately began morphing. Its leader, Huey Newton, was an attractive intellectual who believed that America had failed blacks and so blacks had to organize themselves. He advocated armed self-protection against police brutality. He was soon arrested after a conflict with police that left one dead and one injured. This became a cause celebre for the organization and blacks across the country. Newton was convicted but that was overturned on appeal. Nevertheless, many other Panther leaders had been arrested at that time, leaving a vacuum that Newton was not able to adequately fill upon his release. The movement began to splinter between those favoring socialism, those favoring and African-American nationalism and those favoring Pan-Africanism. In addition, they faced factionalism that was more about personality than ideas or methods.
Overall, the book is an excellent overview of the ebbs and flows of the movement in this time. By the mid-70s, it was largely spent. The author is clearly sympathetic to the ideas of the movement and finishes with an almost romantic analysis of what was and what could have been. Even with this sentimental attachment, I would use this book in a class on race relations because it offers a broad analysis, beyond even the three foci that I have mentioned here. It isn't completely objective but it is still very informative.… (més)
“Dr. King’s policy was that nonviolence would achieve the gains for black people in the United States. His major assumption was that if you are nonviolent, if you suffer, your opponent will see your suffering and will be moved to change his heart. That’s very good. He only made one fallacious assumption: In order for nonviolence to work, your opponent must have a conscience. The United States has none.”
“Our grandfathers had to run, run, run. My generation’s out of breath. We ain’t running no more.”
Stokely Carmichael was one of the most important figures in the US Civil Rights Movement and the antiwar campaign in the 1960s, who was best known for creating the phrase "Black Power", his leadership of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), his involvement in the original Black Panther Party in Lowndes County, Alabama, his fiery speeches, and his fierce intellect. He was widely viewed as the successor to Malcolm X after his assassination in 1965, and although he was publicly critical of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s nonviolent movement he maintained a close friendship with him, other moderate civil rights activists, and well meaning people of other races who supported the cause of freedom and equality for all mankind. He was arguably one of the most influential and most feared black Americans during the peak of his activity in the latter half of the 1960s, until he moved to Africa with his new wife, the South African singer Miriam Makeba, where he lived until his death from cancer in 1998.
Carmichael was born in Port of Prince, the capital of Trinidad and Tobago in 1941. His mother, a cabin line stewardess, left their crowded family home for New York City when Stokely was three, and his father, a skilled carpenter, followed two years later. He would not see either of them until he reached the age of 11, when he flew to NYC to move in with them in the Bronx. Port of Prince was a majority black city with blacks in all positions of power, and growing up there was essential to his view that black people were capable of governing themselves effectively without the aid of other races, including whites. He was loved by his grandmother and aunts, and he thrived under their care while he simultaneously developed an independent streak.
The British based education he received in Trinidad and Tobago served him well when he moved to the US, as he excelled in his studies at the prestigious Bronx High School of Science and at Howard University. His classmates and neighbors included numerous Jewish and Italian families, including one who introduced him to the vibrant left wing intellectual subculture that existed in the city in the 1950s. He attended talks and meetings, which became the origin of his political activities at Bronx Science and Howard.
The beginnings of the student civil rights movement coincided with Carmichael's matriculation at Howard in 1960, as college students from North Carolina A&T began the first of a series of nonviolent sit-ins at segregated lunch counters in the city of Greensboro. These sit-ins spread to other cities in the South, in stores and restaurants where blacks were not allowed to dine, and these protests led to the formation of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) later that year. Carmichael formally joined the movement later that year, participating in sit-ins in Virginia and other civil rights protests in Maryland, and his intellect and commitment to the cause led him to become a leader on campus and the following year, when he served as one of the Freedom Riders that sought to integrate buses and their terminals throughout the Deep South.
Through his participation in the Nonviolent Action Group (NAG) at Howard and SNCC, Carmichael was introduced to and became familiar with civil rights leader that included Martin Luther King, Jr., Bayard Rustin, John Lewis (who he later succeeded as the head of SNCC), and Tom Hayden, a white student at the University of Michigan who gained fame as one of the founding fathers of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS).
Carmichael's coming of age came about when he participated in voter registration movements, freedom marches and protests in Alabama and Mississippi, which began during the summers between his studies at Howard and continued after he received his bachelor's degree in 1964. He ingratiated himself with local community leaders, and his tireless efforts, frequent influential speeches and ebullient personality led to his recognition as one of the young faces of the Civil Rights Movement. By 1966 he was elected as president of SNCC, and during that year he become known to the country at large, particularly due to his famous "Black Power" speech in June of that year, in which he proclaimed that black autonomy and solidarity rather than alignment with liberal whites and members of other races was essential to the advancement of the race. He adopted this position after civil rights groups failed to get representatives from the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party seated to the 1964 Democratic National Convention, as party leaders chose segregationist delegates instead, and due to persistent failures of the US government under President Johnson to protect civil rights activists in the Deep South from abuse by local officials, along with Johnson's escalation of the War in Vietnam.
Carmichael became a frequently sought after speaker on college campuses and abroad, which provided SNCC which the necessary funds it needed to continue its activity. However, Stokely's ego and independence fell afoul of the committee's leadership, and his increasingly more extreme statements and positions led to his isolation and ultimate replacement, particularly after he traveled to Europe and Cuba and incurred the wrath of J. Edgar Hoover, the head of the FBI, President Johnson, and moderate civil rights leaders who disagreed with his tactics and rejection of nonviolence as a tool to achieve racial equality. His travels abroad ultimately led to his disillusionment with the United States, and in 1968, not long after Dr. King's assassination, he moved to Guinea in West Africa. He adopted the name Kwame Turé, taken from the names of two of Africa's most prominent leaders, Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of independent Ghana, and Sekou Touré, the first president of Guinea. Unfortunately these two men and others like them became oppressive dictators shortly after their installation as the heads of government, and Carmichael became a marginalized and ineffective civil rights leader during the remainder of his life.
Carmichael was diagnosed with prostate cancer in 1996, which claimed his life two years later at the age of 56.
In Stokely: A Life, the noted Haitian American historian Peniel E. Joseph has done a masterful job in detailing the life of this legendary but often misunderstood man, who was an energetic and influential civil rights leader and the key figure in the Black Power movement, but also ostracized white liberals and moderate civil rights activists by his increasingly more extreme positions and statements during his most active years. This book is a valuable contribution to American history and the history of the movement, and it is a compelling, readable and detailed biography, with excellent and even analysis and criticism of the man throughout. It focuses on Carmichael's activity in the US far more than his participation after he moved to Guinea in 1968, though, which is a notable but minor weakness that kept me from giving it a full five stars.
This short YouTube video is an excerpt of one of Carmichael's more fiery speeches, which provides a valuable look at his power and intellect: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zxrzTsfpPfM.… (més)
“Our grandfathers had to run, run, run. My generation’s out of breath. We ain’t running no more.”
Stokely Carmichael was one of the most important figures in the US Civil Rights Movement and the antiwar campaign in the 1960s, who was best known for creating the phrase "Black Power", his leadership of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), his involvement in the original Black Panther Party in Lowndes County, Alabama, his fiery speeches, and his fierce intellect. He was widely viewed as the successor to Malcolm X after his assassination in 1965, and although he was publicly critical of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s nonviolent movement he maintained a close friendship with him, other moderate civil rights activists, and well meaning people of other races who supported the cause of freedom and equality for all mankind. He was arguably one of the most influential and most feared black Americans during the peak of his activity in the latter half of the 1960s, until he moved to Africa with his new wife, the South African singer Miriam Makeba, where he lived until his death from cancer in 1998.
Carmichael was born in Port of Prince, the capital of Trinidad and Tobago in 1941. His mother, a cabin line stewardess, left their crowded family home for New York City when Stokely was three, and his father, a skilled carpenter, followed two years later. He would not see either of them until he reached the age of 11, when he flew to NYC to move in with them in the Bronx. Port of Prince was a majority black city with blacks in all positions of power, and growing up there was essential to his view that black people were capable of governing themselves effectively without the aid of other races, including whites. He was loved by his grandmother and aunts, and he thrived under their care while he simultaneously developed an independent streak.
The British based education he received in Trinidad and Tobago served him well when he moved to the US, as he excelled in his studies at the prestigious Bronx High School of Science and at Howard University. His classmates and neighbors included numerous Jewish and Italian families, including one who introduced him to the vibrant left wing intellectual subculture that existed in the city in the 1950s. He attended talks and meetings, which became the origin of his political activities at Bronx Science and Howard.
The beginnings of the student civil rights movement coincided with Carmichael's matriculation at Howard in 1960, as college students from North Carolina A&T began the first of a series of nonviolent sit-ins at segregated lunch counters in the city of Greensboro. These sit-ins spread to other cities in the South, in stores and restaurants where blacks were not allowed to dine, and these protests led to the formation of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) later that year. Carmichael formally joined the movement later that year, participating in sit-ins in Virginia and other civil rights protests in Maryland, and his intellect and commitment to the cause led him to become a leader on campus and the following year, when he served as one of the Freedom Riders that sought to integrate buses and their terminals throughout the Deep South.
Through his participation in the Nonviolent Action Group (NAG) at Howard and SNCC, Carmichael was introduced to and became familiar with civil rights leader that included Martin Luther King, Jr., Bayard Rustin, John Lewis (who he later succeeded as the head of SNCC), and Tom Hayden, a white student at the University of Michigan who gained fame as one of the founding fathers of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS).
Carmichael's coming of age came about when he participated in voter registration movements, freedom marches and protests in Alabama and Mississippi, which began during the summers between his studies at Howard and continued after he received his bachelor's degree in 1964. He ingratiated himself with local community leaders, and his tireless efforts, frequent influential speeches and ebullient personality led to his recognition as one of the young faces of the Civil Rights Movement. By 1966 he was elected as president of SNCC, and during that year he become known to the country at large, particularly due to his famous "Black Power" speech in June of that year, in which he proclaimed that black autonomy and solidarity rather than alignment with liberal whites and members of other races was essential to the advancement of the race. He adopted this position after civil rights groups failed to get representatives from the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party seated to the 1964 Democratic National Convention, as party leaders chose segregationist delegates instead, and due to persistent failures of the US government under President Johnson to protect civil rights activists in the Deep South from abuse by local officials, along with Johnson's escalation of the War in Vietnam.
Carmichael became a frequently sought after speaker on college campuses and abroad, which provided SNCC which the necessary funds it needed to continue its activity. However, Stokely's ego and independence fell afoul of the committee's leadership, and his increasingly more extreme statements and positions led to his isolation and ultimate replacement, particularly after he traveled to Europe and Cuba and incurred the wrath of J. Edgar Hoover, the head of the FBI, President Johnson, and moderate civil rights leaders who disagreed with his tactics and rejection of nonviolence as a tool to achieve racial equality. His travels abroad ultimately led to his disillusionment with the United States, and in 1968, not long after Dr. King's assassination, he moved to Guinea in West Africa. He adopted the name Kwame Turé, taken from the names of two of Africa's most prominent leaders, Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of independent Ghana, and Sekou Touré, the first president of Guinea. Unfortunately these two men and others like them became oppressive dictators shortly after their installation as the heads of government, and Carmichael became a marginalized and ineffective civil rights leader during the remainder of his life.
Carmichael was diagnosed with prostate cancer in 1996, which claimed his life two years later at the age of 56.
In Stokely: A Life, the noted Haitian American historian Peniel E. Joseph has done a masterful job in detailing the life of this legendary but often misunderstood man, who was an energetic and influential civil rights leader and the key figure in the Black Power movement, but also ostracized white liberals and moderate civil rights activists by his increasingly more extreme positions and statements during his most active years. This book is a valuable contribution to American history and the history of the movement, and it is a compelling, readable and detailed biography, with excellent and even analysis and criticism of the man throughout. It focuses on Carmichael's activity in the US far more than his participation after he moved to Guinea in 1968, though, which is a notable but minor weakness that kept me from giving it a full five stars.
This short YouTube video is an excerpt of one of Carmichael's more fiery speeches, which provides a valuable look at his power and intellect: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zxrzTsfpPfM.… (més)
2 
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