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Identity: The Demand for Dignity and the…
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Identity: The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment (edició 2018)

de Francis Fukuyama (Autor)

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"A provocative examination of modern identity politics: its origins, its effects, and what it means for our democracy and international affairs of state. In 2014, Francis Fukuyama wrote that American and global institutions were in a state of decay as the United States was captured by powerful interest groups. Two years later, his predictions were borne out by the rise to power of a series of political outsiders whose economic nationalism and authoritarian tendencies threatened to destabilize the entire international order. These populist nationalists seek direct charismatic connection to 'the people,' who are usually defined in narrow identity terms that offer an irresistible call to an in-group and exclude large parts of the population as a whole. The demands of identity fuel much of what is going on in world politics today. The universal recognition on which liberal democracy is founded has been increasingly challenged by restrictive forms of recognition and resentment based on nation, religion, sect, race, ethnicity, or gender, which have resulted in anti-immigrant populism, the upsurge of politicized Islam, the fractious environment of many college campuses, and the hideous emergence of white nationalism. The struggle for recognition cannot be transcended--but we must begin to direct it in a way that supports rather than undermines democracy. [This] is an urgent and necessary book: a sharp warning that unless we forge a universal understanding of human dignity, we will doom ourselves to continual conflict."--Dust jacket.… (més)
Membre:dmgprb32
Títol:Identity: The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment
Autors:Francis Fukuyama (Autor)
Informació:Farrar, Straus and Giroux (2018), Edition: 1st Edition, 240 pages
Col·leccions:La teva biblioteca
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Etiquetes:to-read

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Identity: The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment de Francis Fukuyama

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The New York Times bestselling author of The Origins of Political Order offers a provocative examination of modern identity politics: its origins, its effects, and what it means for domestic and international affairs of state

In 2014, Francis Fukuyama wrote that American institutions were in decay, as the state was progressively captured by powerful interest groups. Two years later, his predictions were borne out by the rise to power of a series of political outsiders whose economic nationalism and authoritarian tendencies threatened to destabilize the entire international order. These populist nationalists seek direct charismatic connection to “the people,” who are usually defined in narrow identity terms that offer an irresistible call to an in-group and exclude large parts of the population as a whole.

Demand for recognition of one’s identity is a master concept that unifies much of what is going on in world politics today. The universal recognition on which liberal democracy is based has been increasingly challenged by narrower forms of recognition based on nation, religion, sect, race, ethnicity, or gender, which have resulted in anti-immigrant populism, the upsurge of politicized Islam, the fractious “identity liberalism” of college campuses, and the emergence of white nationalism. Populist nationalism, said to be rooted in economic motivation, actually springs from the demand for recognition and therefore cannot simply be satisfied by economic means. The demand for identity cannot be transcended; we must begin to shape identity in a way that supports rather than undermines democracy.

Identity is an urgent and necessary book—a sharp warning that unless we forge a universal understanding of human dignity, we will doom ourselves to continuing conflict.

Source: Publisher
  Shiseida.Aponte | May 29, 2020 |
Rather than read the often distorting reviews, I suggest you read the book itself. It is a slim volume that is well-thought out and guaranteed to irritate the extremes of right and left. But Fukuyama's is a reasoned analysis and empathetic review of much of what ails the modern liberal democracy today. ( )
  dasam | Mar 19, 2020 |
If you're confused about the place of national identity vs identity politics based on gender, race and other group characteristics in the contemporary West, then you can find fewer deeply learned guides than Fukuyama through this terrain. A call to develop a kind of inclusive nationalism, and a reminder of the dangers of ethno-nationalism from the right and diversity celebration without recognition of civic virtues by some on the left. Fukuyama reminds us of the importance of citizenship in a nation that is based on some common commitments such as the rule of law, speaking a common language and knowing something about the history of the country one is living in. ( )
  Tom.Wilson | Nov 20, 2019 |
Identities are the most important public issues in the 21st century. Many international conflicts are rooted in those irrational and illusional false concepts such as race, gender, nation, religion, city, sexuality. This book correctly mentioned the background of those "attributes", but failed to pointed the finger onto those evil actors who are exploiting the humanities by hijacking those concepts such as religious bigots, cult zealots, gender extremists, anti-abortion terrorists, sexuality chauvinists, nationalism dogmatists. There is a limit on the academic of so-called "Social Sciences". When we say this is a subject of social science, we are subconsciously saying that these knowledge all quarantined to rigid experiments and falsifiability tests. We can do better than this. Why Professor Harari is such a new star is that he is technically the first "Scientific Historian" who grounded his work on solid scientific background. We are encountering a huge academic shift in the realm of social science. In the 21st century, a lot more fields previously under the umbrella of social sciences have been lining up towards a field in science, such as Anthropology, Psychology, etc. Without the law of evolution, everything that have happened within our civilization is meaningless. ( )
  Rex_Lui | Sep 12, 2019 |
This new book by [a:Francis Fukuyama|32633|Francis Fukuyama|https://images.gr-assets.com/authors/1226219290p2/32633.jpg] about the hot issue in the US and EU politics today – identity. He doesn’t take neither left nor right side in the debate, but shows that the debate itself maybe out of focus.

He starts with [a:Plato|879|Plato|https://images.gr-assets.com/authors/1393978633p2/879.jpg]'s [b:The Republic|30289|The Republic|Plato|https://images.gr-assets.com/books/1386925655s/30289.jpg|1625515] and introduces concept of thymos - third part of the soul (first two are desires and reason, roughly equivalent to id and ego concepts of Freud) acts completely independently of the first two. It is the seat of judgments of worth: like a drug addict wants to be a productive employee or a loving mother. Human beings crave positive judgments about their worth or dignity. Those judgments can come from within, but they are most often made by other people in the society around them who recognize their worth. If they receive that positive judgment, they feel pride, and if they do not receive it, they feel either anger (when they think they are being undervalued) or shame (when they realize that they have not lived up to other people’s standards).

This leads to two more concepts: isothymia (all people have equal worth) and megalothymia (some people are better). Note that the latter case doesn’t mean only racist douchebags, but everyone, who thinks that e.g. it would be ok to kill Hitler or Stalin (assuming some people are worse). To some extent thymos is similar to virtues as described by [a:Deirdre N. McCloskey|43854|Deirdre N. McCloskey|https://images.gr-assets.com/authors/1447727276p2/43854.jpg] in [b:The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce|786362|The Bourgeois Virtues Ethics for an Age of Commerce|Deirdre N. McCloskey|https://images.gr-assets.com/books/1328872357s/786362.jpg|772359].

Then the author discusses Martin Luther, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Nietzsche, who added to the modern concept of identity. In the classical liberalism of the nineteenth century, the state was held responsible for protecting basic rights such as freedom of speech and association, for upholding a rule of law, and for providing essential public services such as police, roads, and education. The government “recognized” its citizens by granting them individual rights, but the state was not seen as responsible for making each individual feel better about himself or herself.

In the second half of twentieth century the focus shifted: “the triumph of the therapeutic” (see [a:Philip Rieff|153999|Philip Rieff|https://s.gr-assets.com/assets/nophoto/user/m_50x66-82093808bca726cb3249a493fbd3bd0f.png]), when the decline of a shared moral horizon defined by religion had left a huge void that was being filled by psychologists preaching a new religion of psychotherapy. Traditional culture, according to Rieff, “is another name for a design of motive directing the self outward, toward those communal purposes in which alone the self can be realized and satisfied.” As such it played a therapeutic role, giving purpose to individuals, connecting them to others, and teaching them their place in the universe. But that outer culture had been denounced as an iron cage imprisoning the inner self; people were told to liberate their inner selves, to be “authentic” and “committed,” but without being told to what they should be committed. Under the therapeutic model, however, an individual’s happiness depends on his or her self-esteem, and self-esteem is a by-product of public recognition. Governments are readily able to give away public recognition in the way that they talk about and treat their citizens, so modern liberal societies naturally and perhaps inevitably began to take on the responsibility for raising the self-esteem of each and every one of their citizens.

The disillusionment is classic left (communists) after the 1960s shifted the left from the industrial working class and Marxist revolution to the rights of minorities and immigrants, the status of women, environmentalism, and the like. This actually is one of the reasons that white blue collars voted for Trump or Brexit – they still have problems, but the left care mainly about other issues. It was easier to talk about respect and dignity than to come up with potentially costly plans that would concretely reduce inequality. The left continued to be defined by its passion for equality, but that agenda shifted from its earlier emphasis on the conditions of the working class to the often psychological demands of an ever-widening circle of marginalized groups. Many activists came to see the old working class and their trade unions as a privileged stratum with little sympathy for the plight of groups such as immigrants or racial minorities worse off than they were. Recognition struggles targeted newer groups and their rights as groups, rather than the economic inequality of individuals. In the process, the old working class was left behind.

According to Fukuyama, the right currently hi-jacked the left’s identity politics, vocally protecting not the usual targets (black, women, LGBTQ ) but native-born workers and dominant long-established cultural identities. The latter can also feel threatened and it doesn’t matter whether there is a real fact under this threat – the identity is subjective by definition!

What he suggests? He fully agrees that there is inequality and a greater equality of opportunity is desirable. He likes the idea of Bassam Tibi’s Leitkultur, “leading culture,” as the basis for a national identity, which was defined in liberal Enlightenment terms as belief in equality and democratic values. ( )
  Oleksandr_Zholud | Jan 9, 2019 |
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"A provocative examination of modern identity politics: its origins, its effects, and what it means for our democracy and international affairs of state. In 2014, Francis Fukuyama wrote that American and global institutions were in a state of decay as the United States was captured by powerful interest groups. Two years later, his predictions were borne out by the rise to power of a series of political outsiders whose economic nationalism and authoritarian tendencies threatened to destabilize the entire international order. These populist nationalists seek direct charismatic connection to 'the people,' who are usually defined in narrow identity terms that offer an irresistible call to an in-group and exclude large parts of the population as a whole. The demands of identity fuel much of what is going on in world politics today. The universal recognition on which liberal democracy is founded has been increasingly challenged by restrictive forms of recognition and resentment based on nation, religion, sect, race, ethnicity, or gender, which have resulted in anti-immigrant populism, the upsurge of politicized Islam, the fractious environment of many college campuses, and the hideous emergence of white nationalism. The struggle for recognition cannot be transcended--but we must begin to direct it in a way that supports rather than undermines democracy. [This] is an urgent and necessary book: a sharp warning that unless we forge a universal understanding of human dignity, we will doom ourselves to continual conflict."--Dust jacket.

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