I tried to read this; I wanted to like it. I even enjoyed the bit of wit I caught in the first chapter. However, the lawyer talk and politics were a bit much for me to handle at this time in my life. If this is your interest area, and you like source materials, give it a try. I decided to quit reading it because life is short.

O problema dessa longa preleção, feita no calor do recebimento da notícia da revolução, apenas alguns meses após a mesma, é a sensação de petição de princípio, de que se trata apenas da afirmação de que as coisas não eram ou estão tão ruins sob as monarquias religiosas, e que há relações delicadas que se confundem com o status quo, e que a liberdade se equilibra "por natureza" com outras coisas não tão nobres, que seria melhor ir melhorando aos poucos, com parcimônia, afinal... (não estamos tão mal, e devemos amar os preconceitos, pelo seu poder unificador; e defender os capitalistas, porque se apropriar do trabalhos dos outros é da ordem natural do trabalho, por exemplo). De modo que muito do que é dito é para aqueles que já com ele concordam. Mas talvez aqui eu esteja sendo injusto. O livro foi escrito para dissuadir os ingleses de entrarem na onda revolucionária e dos ideais democráticos. Então, provavelmente, havia muitos indecisos ou irrefletidos como público alvo. ( )

"...the age of chivalry is gone. That of sophisters, economists, and calculators has succeeded; and the glory of Europe is extinguished forever."

The seminal text of contemporary Anglo-American conservatism and a continuing inspiration to classical liberals everywhere. Burke channeled his outrage over the French Revolution into a broadside against the horrors of the barbarous and destructive revolutionaries and the tyranny of their democratic majorities. He instead revered the 1689 Bill of Rights and the tradition of English constitutionalism embodied by the Magna Carta, Coke and Blackstone as "the fixed form of a constitution whose merits are confirmed by the solid test of long experience and an increasing public strength and national prosperity." Essential to any reading of the Western tradition. ( )

This book offers lessons for today.
Politics is a dirty business and democracy sometimes requires too many compromises. Change is slow, we can all see that injustice and inequality prevails, and politicians seem unable to solve our problems. Besides, we all know that your neighbor next door is an idiot, and he still gets one vote... just like you.
Wouldn't it be great if we could use a big hammer, break everything apart and start all over again? Someone surely has a solution to our problems.
Burke lived during the French Revolution and he saw, and he reflected, what happens when someone tears down the ruling institutions and starts again, with no constraints from the past, no thought of the future and no opposition. The result is tyranny. And the French got just that.
Burke uses the French revolutionary government as an example of what a society should not do in order to solve its problems.
For Burke a good and just government is the work of ages and requires the input of many generations. Rulers must convince both the people and the opposition about the advantage of their policies or principles. Even within the ruling body there is dissent and every argument and proposal has to be sharpened by the wit of many. No proposal or principle survives unscathed by this resistance. But with debate, with struggle and with compromise you get a better proposal, a better ruling principle. Then, and only then, it is ready to replace and old principle or and old policy.
The lessons this book imparts are as relevant today as they were more than 200 years ago. ( )

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